Here I conceive of the term “postcolonial” in a broad sense as the exploration of the relation between the structures of various forms of colonial domination and the political, cultural, social and economical dynamics within the contemporary world. The “Indigènes de la République” and political mobilization strategies in postcolonial FranceI discuss the debate on the controversial petition “Nous sommes les Indigènes de la République!” The massacres of Setif, Guelma and Khessala in the Algerian Department of Constantine refer to the Here I conceive of the term “postcolonial” in a broad sense as the exploration of the relation betw The PIR was signed by roughly 1000 people in one month and was generally disqualified as form of anti-republican “communitarianism”. We would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us. In this respect, the positioning of the PIR can be considered to be the expression of a critical turning point comparable to the belated reflection on French collaboration with the German Nazi occupants (Hargreaves, 2007: 28). Its existence is relevant to what Romain Bertrand (interviewed in Cohen Understanding their positioning and responding to the question why the PIR called for a foundation meeting regarding the discrimination of postcolonial immigrants also requires taking into account the history of the political movements of second generation immigrants in France and particularly the descendants of people coming from Algeria, referred to as Finally, three other public events are frequently cited in discussions on the relationship between the Republic, immigration and racism, among which the third one involving the supposed anti-Semitism of Black and Arab immigrants was particularly relevant for the authors of the PIR (Robine, Let us now look more closely at the arguments made in the PIR, the background of its authors, the public reactions and the academic readings it stimulated. recruited by a religious or political authority. The latter concludes his study arguing that “the force of pre-existing identities (…), but also the choice to denounce discriminations and other injustices as related to the ethnic group, the religion or the national origin of the victims, seem to combine and compel the political “we” to deviate towards the ethnical” (Regarding these readings it is clear that the strategy of the petition, which establishes relations among a great number of social, religious and economic discriminations, associated with different historical and geographical scales, may produce an essentializing effect reinforced by the use of the “we”. Les enjeux du débat postcolonial en France aujourd’hui”, Dozon, Jean-Pierre (2002), “L’État franco-africain”, Dufoix, Stéphane (2005), “La reconnaissance au présent: Les dimensions temporelles de l’hsitoire et de la mémoire”, Escafré-Dublet, Angéline and Simon, Patrick (2009), “Représenter la diversité en politique: une reformulation de la dialectique de la différence et de l’égalité par la doxa républicaine”, Gèze, François (2005), “Les ‘indigènes’ au secours de la République ?”, Guilleaume, Sylvie (1991), "Citoyennété et colonialisme", Hargreaves, Alec G. (2007), “Chemins de traverse. GBP £29.00 40 anos volvidosEtnicidad, territorio y pueblos indígenas: paradojas y desafíos de las políticas neoliberalesLer na fronteira. Réseau décolonial européen. Prenons le parti de nous-mêmes ! While, with the exception of the transatlantic slave trade, the postcolonial frame of reference presented so far refers to events spanning the three decades since the end of the post-war economic miracle, the beginning of migration control and the implementation of neo-liberal policies in Europe, the petition “Nous sommes les Indigènes de la République!” (is used to refer to people coming from the North African ex-colonies. Prenons le parti de nous-mêmes ! Together with the Public Appeal of 2005 and the declaration “Who we are”, it … “Donc, @VilleSaintDenis charge un élu proche des Indigènes de la République d’organiser une journée de lutte contre l’homophobie?


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