In fact, such optimism (leavened by self-interest) was evident in a wide range of spheres. This was highlighting Unionist claims that passionate and emotional Catholics were incapable of governing themselves. After all, the RIC had been the Irish face of the British administration in Ireland during the protracted struggle between tenant and landlord.   Contemporaries also looked forward to the rescinding of the so-called ‘ban’ on soldiers and policemen joining Ireland’s most popular sporting organization, the Gaelic Athletic Association, with others anticipating that the GAA would become the organizing body for Ireland’s national Olympic squad.Nationalists were traditionally critical of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and some saw Ireland’s ‘bloated police service’ as a prime target for belt-tightening by the new Home Rule Parliament.

Nineteen years were to pass before another Home Rule Bill was introduced in 1912.This bill proposed the creation of a bi-cameral legislative assembly subordinate to the imperial parliament in London.

In 1870 a constitutional movement seeking domestic self-government, the Home Government Association ( Sectarian riots raged after a Catholic allegedly told a Protestant that none of "his sort" would find a job under Home Rule.Accordingly, expectations that a Dublin parliament would right old wrongs or settle old scores flourished. The cause of Irish self-government was certainly interwoven with centuries-old memories of Catholic dispossession and Protestant ascendancy on the one hand and popish plots and moonlit intimidation on the other. How was the future envisaged by opponents and supporters of self-government within the British empire?The casual observer could be forgiven for thinking that the picture entitled ‘King George and Queen Mary Opening the New Irish Parliament’ was a faithful representation of actual events.But, in fact, the occasion never happened. In 1873 Home Rule, in British and Irish history, movement to secure internal autonomy for Ireland within the British Empire. Charles Stuart Parnell elected M.P. But while some constables feared that the new regime might exact revenge, other rank and file members (in a force which was predominantly Catholic) welcomed the chance to protect and serve their own ‘kith and kin’.

The 1920 Government of Ireland Act created Northern Ireland, which allowed them to find out if the reality of Home Rule measured up to their predictions.Dr James McConnel is a lecturer in history at the Soon renamed the Home Rule League. 5 c. 90), also known as the Home Rule Act, and before enactment as the Third Home Rule Bill, was an Act passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom intended to provide home rule (self-government within the United Kingdom) for Ireland. According to one observer, Irish officials in 1912 were: ‘scanning copies of the Government of Ireland Bill to discover whether it contains any casual references to themselves’.

Some of those who supported complete separation from Britain also hoped that Home Rule would alter the geography of Irish politics, though in a different way. The Home Rule cabinet (comprised of leading figures of the real Irish Parliamentary Party) is shown engaged in an unstatesmanlike fistfight.

Be on the lookout for your Britannica newsletter to get trusted stories delivered right to your inbox. It is therefore, ironic, that of all those who envisioned Home Rule before 1914, only Unionists were to have the opportunity. The Government of Ireland Act 1914 (4 & 5 Geo. Just as Nationalist images of Home Rule embodied their hopes for the future, the dystopian images depicting Belfast under an Irish parliament incorporated many of the fears expressed by Unionists during the three Home Rule episodes. Others anticipated a cultural and architectural renaissance in Dublin, with Home Rule informing, for example, debates on the housing of Hugh Lane’s art collection through to the suitability of the old parliament in College Green as a modern European legislature. While Arthur Griffith, the leader of Sinn Féin, initially denounced the 1912 Bill as a ‘grotesque abortion’ of the national demand, he quickly rallied and called on separatists to make preparations for becoming the principal party of opposition in the Irish parliament. Ironically, this vision was not dissimilar to that of the senior surviving 1916 rebel, Eamon de Valera, when he was In fact, predictions about the likely social conservatism of a future Home Rule government surfaced as early as 1905 when the veteran nationalist Michael Davitt published a fictional account charting the first steps of the Irish National Assembly of 1910. But while the debate at Westminster focused on Home Rule finance and the protection of minorities, the discussion on the streets of Dublin, Belfast, Cork and elsewhere reflected more personal hopes, fears, and aspirations for the future.Nationalist politicians described Home Rule as the 'promised land'. While the corruption, incompetence, and score-settling of Home Rule was savagely satirised in the fiction of Frank Frankfort Moore, popular Unionist fears and assumptions were also fictionalised according to familiar Victorian and Edwardian literary themes of romance, revenge and tragedy. It was not until 1886, however, that the first attempt to legislate Home Rule was made. Nor were these debates exclusively metropolitan. Again, pasture animals are included to show the backwardness of the new Irish government’s economic policy, while the human cost is conveyed by the overcrowded poorhouse and the crowds outside the Protestant Emigration Office. Some constables feared that the new regime might exact revenge, while others welcomed the chance to protect and serve their own "kith and kin".Unsurprisingly, according to one RIC sergeant: 'a good number of us look forward with a feeling of uneasiness and distrust to the day when they will be our masters’.

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